Blinded by bonhomie

No meeting between Indians and Pakistanis is complete without one Indian or the other holding forth on the shared history and culture of the people of the two countries. Some even speak about a confederation. Though Pakistanis, out of politeness, would not say it in so many words, they resent such talk as a surreptitious bid to deny them their separate identity.Repeated assurances that no one in India, barring the extremist Hindu fringe, challenges Pakistan's right to exist as an independent and sovereign nation fail to assuage the suspicion. Blinded by the bonhomie that such encounters generate, our compatriots do not fathom the depths of their anxieties.
Our neighbours may genuinely desire close relations with us. But this must not detract attention from their sensitivities on certain issues. No matter how much they lament the present state of their country, they steadfastly hold on to the belief that the creation of Pakistan was a god-send for the Muslims of the sub-continent. Neither the decision of most Muslims to stay behind in India after Partition nor the 'loss' of the eastern wing in 1971 are good enough reasons for them to doubt the relevance of the two-nation theory.
Communal riots in India since Independence, and especially the recent ones in Gujarat, have reinforced their conviction that had India remained in one piece, they would have been at the receiving end of a heartless and arrogant Hindu majority. Other damning proof includes the destruction of the Babri mosque, the social and economic backwardness of Indian Muslims, their poor representation at every level of governance and the rise of Hindu extremism. Small wonder that India's claim to be secular finds few takers in Pakistan. Adding to their anxieties are the sheer size of India and its growing stature as a military and economic power. Many still recall India's armed intervention in East Pakistan and point to its record of throwing its weight about in the region.
However, now that they possess the bomb and with their economy booming, they feel secure enough to start shedding some of these negative perceptions. In their reckoning, New Delhi has begun to show flexibility on contentious issues including, in the first place, on Kashmir. They also welcome the BJP's shift towards moderation. What L K Advani, long regarded as a Hindutva hardliner, said during his recent visit to their country was music to their ears. No one had expected him to rubbish the concept of Akhand Bharat, express regret for the felling of the Babri mosque and hail Mohammad Ali Jinnah as a great, secular leader. India clearly is no longer the ogre it used to be in their eyes. Taken together, Pakistanis argue, these factors will embolden them to marginalise the jihadi elements in their own society and heed General Musharraf's call for 'enlightened moderation'. They can then remain tightly focussed on building a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Pakistan and forge relations with India, rooted not in their fears but in the confluence of the national interests of the two countries. That would enable Pakistanis to bond with Indians without the danger of bondage.
At a time when New Delhi and Islamabad are engaged in earnest in mending their ties, it is all the more imperative to address these ancient and evolving sensitivities. Advani did that in some measure in Pakistan when he sought a new, moderate avatar for himself and his party and reminded his hosts of Jinnah's vision for their country. But for his visit to be lauded as an event of seminal importance, the BJP would need to back the peace process in one voice and ensure that the loonies of the VHP and the RSS ride into the sunset. None of this is on the horizon just yet.